Greece relies largely on close military cooperation with France and the United States, as it remains trapped in an explosive dispute with neighboring Turkey over sea and air borders. It is therefore doubtful that Athens would invoke the agreement with France if it believed that Turkey was interfering in what it considers to be its EEZ. SYRIZA did not ratify the agreement in a parliamentary vote, arguing that France should clarify the EEZ as part of the military agreement. Neighbouring Turkey, a NATO member, has long questioned the scale of the Greek EEZ. Athens` historically difficult relations with Washington have improved considerably. The two allies expanded their defense cooperation agreement to give U.S. troops unlimited access to train and operate from four bases in Greece, particularly in Alexandroupolis in western Thrace. Washington also lifted its arms embargo against the Republic of Cyprus, Athens` closest ally and collaborator in the Eastern Mediterranean. These measures indicated that Washington was withdrawing from its traditional role as mediator and judge between Greece and Turkey in the eastern Mediterranean, and that the United States chose not to rely solely on Turkey for its steps in the Black Sea. It is also clear that the agreement does not apply to disputed exclusive economic zones (EEZs), let alone their extensions. Marine areas beyond the territorial sea are not considered part of the territory of a State under international law. The EEZ offers sovereign rights below the surface of the sea, but surface waters are international waters. This decision is accompanied by “the approval and approval of the Queen,” Buckingham Palace said.

European mutual defence clauses already exist through Article 42.7 of the EU-Lisbon Treaty and the German-French Treaty of Aachen of 2019 – the only bilateral precedent for Franco-Greek engagement. “Does Article 5 apply in the event of an attack by a NATO member? I`m not sure NATO has ever been very clear on this issue,” Mitsotakis said when asked at the conference why Greece needed an additional ally. “My duty is to defend my country and form the necessary alliances beyond the security measures we already have. At first glance and from a legal point of view, the commitment to defence is not as strong as in the Treaties of Lisbon (Article 42(7)) and Aachen (for context, Article 42.7 does not explicitly mention the use of armed force, but this use is clearly included in “all available means”). First, because it contains the keyword “common”: each of the two countries, if the other asked it to fulfill its obligation, could disagree on the qualification of aggression, unless it is clearly a massive military attack. Second, because strategic partnership is not a treaty – which is the highest form of state obligation under international law. From this point of view, the agreement between France and Greece will have aroused deep mistrust in Ankara, which has most likely led to the exclusion of France from Turkey`s major defence supply projects. It is not known what the impact of the positioning of the EUROSAM consortium producing the SAMP-T air and missile defence system will be. Perhaps the Italian presence will be enough to comfort Turkish politicians. But it is certain that in the corridors of the defense establishment, the argument that Turkey cannot opt for a grand system that creates long-term dependencies on a “hostile” country like France is openly expressed. The agreement between France and Greece will have aroused deep mistrust in Ankara, which has most likely led to France`s exclusion from Turkey`s major defense procurement projects. However, there are at least two scenarios in which the defense clause could be triggered.

ATHENS, GREECE (AP) — Greek lawmakers on Thursday ratified a historic defense deal with France that includes a mutual support clause in the event of an armed attack on one of the two — a pact that has angered NATO member Turkey. “France takes everything from Greece and can present this agreement on defense cooperation and cohesion as the basis for European defense integration and the beginning of a European army,” said Faithon Karaiosifidis, defense expert and editor-in-chief of the Greek magazine Flight. “What I don`t believe in are efforts to do something outside the FRAMEWORK of NATO or to compete with NATO or duplicate it, because NATO remains the cornerstone, the foundation of European security and also of North American security,” Stoltenberg said in a speech, without directly mentioning the defense agreement between Greece and France. It is therefore not surprising that the agreement has angered not only Ankara, but also Berlin, London and Washington. It is reported that these countries became aware of the agreement on or immediately before the day of signature. Paris noted, however, that Washington had also strengthened its defense ties with Greece in recent years, and that both countries were able to strengthen defense relations with Greece on Sept. 14. In October 2021, they signed a five-year extension of the Mutual Defence Cooperation Agreement (renewed annually since 1990), provided it remains in force indefinitely thereafter, unless one of the two countries gives two years` notice. The idea of collective defence is a major principle of NATO, to which both Greece and France belong, as well as Turkey. Article 5 of the Treaty of Alliance states that an attack on one member country is considered an attack on all.

ATHENS, Oct 7 (Reuters) – Greek lawmakers on Thursday ratified a new defense deal between Greece and France that allows them to help each other in the event of an external threat, but has sparked new tensions with Turkey. Greek officials said the United States, which is seen as the other top bidder for the latest warship and fighter jet contract, will not pose any problems with Tuesday`s deal after the fallout from AUKUS. Nor did Washington leave empty-handed when it came to the Greek military deals. Athens will soon sign a five-year extension of a defense cooperation agreement with the United States, avoiding the typical one-year renewal cycle. The defence clause did not signal a hardening of the French attitude towards Ankara. On the same day that Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis was in Paris to sign the defense agreement, French Minister of Foreign Trade and Economic Attractiveness Franck Riester was in Istanbul for a meeting of the Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO), the first since 2018. Since France played a crucial role in persuading Turkey to ratify the Paris Agreement, in exchange for €3.1 billion in loans to help the country meet its clean energy targets (funded in part by France), it`s hard to say that Paris is turning its back on Ankara. “Therefore, we strongly recommended waiting for the demarcation or some kind of agreement before pursuing energy ambitions. The Greek Cypriot people deliberately began to interfere in the Eastern Mediterranean because they knew we would react. “So we wouldn`t understand if Turkey overreacted to a deal that is not directed against them,” he said. The five-year agreement was announced last week in Paris by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and French President Emmanuel Macron. Greece has also announced plans to buy three French frigates, a deal that is expected to be reached by the end of the year.

New mutual defence commitments are rare in today`s world and, given the volatility of the Eastern Mediterranean, legitimate questions have been raised about its relevance and consequences. Contrary to what some suspected, the defense clause was not the product of a Greek request, but a French proposal made as early as 2020, as confirmed by senior French officials involved in the negotiations. Paris is working to portray it as a one-way street and expects Athens to work with France on crisis management in the Balkans, the Middle East and the Sahel – something Greece seems to have understood well. The deal is the latest step in Greece`s military build-up, spurred by its standoff with Turkey. The mutual defense clause leaves open the question of whether and how France will commit to supporting Greece if tensions with Turkey resume. The text contains a provision promising that each country will come to the aid of the other in the event of an attack on its territory. But it is unclear what this could mean for the conflict between Greece and Turkey over ill-defined maritime areas. “For this reason, no military agreement in the world refers to an EEZ or a continental shelf,” the Greek prime minister added. Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis hailed the deal as the cornerstone of an independent European defence policy. The defense agreement with France contains an assistance clause stipulating that both parties will come to the aid “by all appropriate means at their disposal and, where appropriate, by force of arms, if they jointly determine that an armed attack on the territory of one of the two is taking place.” As a result, Ankara agrees that the Paris-Athens defence agreement will have both military and political consequences detrimental to peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean. In other words, instead of promoting Athens and Ankara in their diplomatic efforts to resolve their bilateral differences, Paris has chosen to fully support one side of the conflict and turn a blind eye to the difficult geopolitical reality of the region. It also decided not to take into account Turkey`s legitimate concerns on issues such as the arming of the Aegean islands, the need to reach a reasonable and equitable solution to the question of territorial waters or the possibility of going to The Hague for a decision.

.